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Since September 11, Western governments have legitimized and empowered "nonviolent Islamists" as representatives of Islam for all Muslims in the West, an approach that has worried Muslim moderates. Citizen Islam addresses the implications of this approach.
The book opens with an overview of the theology and history of Islam, to show that violence and intolerance are not fundamental aspects of the religion. It then explains the growth of Islamism in Europe and in the United States before suggesting that both are finally beginning to recognize the threat posed by nonviolent Islamists. Lastly, it outlines steps that Western and Muslims leaders can take to strengthen moderate Islam and counter the threat of Islamism.
Written by Zeyno Baran, a Turkish-born Muslim, Citizen Islam sheds a sharp light on Muslim communities in the West. It concludes that there is much that Western governments can still do to reverse the spread of Islamism. But they must act quickly.
- Sales Rank: #3111000 in Books
- Published on: 2011-07-21
- Released on: 2011-07-21
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.01" h x .61" w x 6.23" l, .65 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 208 pages
Review
Citizen Islam constitutes a timely appeal, and warning, to the West: stop legitimizing non-violent extremists. For the patient, incremental and systematic approach utilized by the Muslim Brotherhood and other non-violent extremists—to create a so-called "fully-Islamic" personality, family, community and state—poses an even greater threat to the core values of modern society, than do their impatient terrorist brethren, armed with guns and bombs." — C. Holland Taylor, Chairman & CEO, LibForAll Foundation and co-author of The Illusion of an Islamic State, with former Indonesian president Kyai Haji Abdurrahman Wahid, et al.
"A brilliant, principled, brave book. If you - Muslim or of any other faith - are truly loyal to our Constitution and its guarantees of liberty and democracy, then welcome, friend. We have a big fight on our hands. Baran, a practicing Muslim, introduces us to freedom's principal enemy in that fight: determined Islamists -i e Wahhabis/Salafis/Muslim Brotherhood members - who are hijacking a noble religion and simultaneously, in their words, "sabotaging [the West's] miserable house from within..." via a "civilization jihad." So if you are in fact democracy-hating, women-oppressing, and terror-financing but you want to be called "moderate" just because you're not detonating anything right now, bad luck, buddy — you've just been outed. "- R. James Woolsey, Chair of FDD (Foundation for Defense of Democracies) and former Director of Central Intelligence.
"This book is very informative and helps both Muslims and non Muslims understand the ideologies, historical trends and current events in Muslim communities. It is an especially valuable resource for western countries because it aptly explains how some Muslim societies are evolving and resolving issues of religion and state. It is also important for Muslims to see how they are being perceived by others. I recommend it highly for those who need to better understand the many facets of Islamic doctrine and beliefs. " - Shaykh Hisham M Kabbani, Chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America
"Zeyno Baran's new book is fascinating reading for anyone wishing to understand the challenge of fundamentalist Islam, and vital reading for those tasked to deal with it." -Douglas Murray, Director, The Centre for Social Cohesion, UK.
"A brilliant, principled, brave book. "- R. James Woolsey, Chair of FDD (Foundation for Defense of Democracies) and former Director of Central Intelligence.
Citizen Islam constitutes a timely appeal, and warning, to the West: stop legitimizing non-violent extremists. For the patient, incremental and systematic approach utilized by the Muslim Brotherhood and other non-violent extremists—to create a so-called “fully-Islamic” personality, family, community and state—poses an even greater threat to the core values of modern society, than do their impatient terrorist brethren, armed with guns and bombs.” — C. Holland Taylor, Chairman & CEO, LibForAll Foundation and co-author of The Illusion of an Islamic State, with former Indonesian president Kyai Haji Abdurrahman Wahid, et al.
"This book is very informative and helps both Muslims and non Muslims understand the ideologies, historical trends and current events in Muslim communities. It is an especially valuable resource for western countries because it aptly explains how some Muslim societies are evolving and resolving issues of religion and state. It is also important for Muslims to see how they are being perceived by others. I recommend it highly for those who need to better understand the many facets of Islamic doctrine and beliefs. " - Shaykh Hisham M Kabbani, Chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America
"Zeyno Baran’s new book is fascinating reading for anyone wishing to understand the challenge of fundamentalist Islam, and vital reading for those tasked to deal with it." -Douglas Murray, Director, The Centre for Social Cohesion, UK.
About the Author
Born in Istanbul, Turkey, Zeyno Baran is currently Senior Fellow at Hudson Institute's Center for Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World and Director of the Center for Eurasian Policy. Baran regularly briefs European and U.S. officials and has testified before congressional committees on issues related to Muslim integration and radicalization in Europe and the U.S.
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3 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
a limited, but still valuable diagnosis
By Ahram al-Yardum
This book of policy advice, written by a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute's Center for Islam, makes several important poits about the future of Islam as an institution in Europe and America, and by extension, in the lands of its origins. Although Baran avoids speculating on what might occur if the relationship continues to sour and polarize, perhaps this is because she knows recent history has spoken. Many times already.
First, most fundamentally, we must understand Islam and Islamism, while not entirely separable, are critically divergent and ever-diverging things, the first being a way of life open to (and encouraging of) individual theological interpretation of The Qur'an and its auxiliary literatures; the latter being a fixed and rigidly dogmatic, and highly selective, interpretation of the texts and historical contexts.
Second, that non-violent Islamism must not be inadvertently or strategically legitimized, inasmuch as many non-violent groups serve as a 'conveyor belt' for violence, and ultimately its goals are exactly the same as violent Islamism. Moreover, through use of the Islamist practice of taqiyya (religiously sanctioned duplicity or deception), non-violent groups are, she claims, often more effective agents of Islamism than the impatient terrorists.
The third and perhaps most salient point in the book is that while Islamism is not synonymous with Islam, the conflation of 'Islam' and 'Islamism' as terms due to Islamism's near monopoly on Muslim public discourse [NOTE: if only someone would have the courage to say the same about Zionism and Judaism]. Islamism as it is today, is an outgrowth of Wahhabism, an Arabian Peninsular tradition, itself based on Hanbali school of Islamic jurisprudence, which was popular in Arabia, and became ever more popular after the Mongol conquest of the Middle East, at which time a scholar named Ibn Taymiyyah declared the conquest had been due to un-strict diligence to the letter of the Qur'an. The Hanbali school had at this time already been constrained by the closing the gates to Ijtihad by jurists who feared the results of legal factionalization could result in the disintegration of the Caliphate. The result of recent (20th Century) vicissitudes of geopolitics and finance in the Middle East has allowed the growth and spread of Wahhabist Islamism from its birthplace in Saudi Arabia, into Europe and beyond, by successive generations of guest workers and immigrants to these places. (Turkey, by contrast, has for a different kind of historical kismet, ended up a bastion of moderate Islam.)
Although many Islamist groups in the world do not communicate with one another conspiratorially, their ultimate common goal is to completely replace all other religious practices with Islam, and 'Western' secular governance with narrowly-defined sharia law, and the establishment of a caliphate as the single political-religious authority in the world. Headway has already been made in small steps visible in policy and community law shifts in Britain. Resistance to such changes are more strident in places like the Netherlands and USA.
However strong the resistance to Islamist ideology and practices in Europe and the USA, Baran contends the problem half-diagnosed, especially at official levels, and as a result a path toward mitigating it has not been properly established in the post-911 years, in spite of various efforts. By this is meant the various outreach programs, failures as most of them have been, can never be successful without also exposing the unwholsomeness of Islamism as an ideology.
Many Islamist groups in Europe and America simultaneously deflect scrutiny by outwardly condemning terrorism, while advancing their ideological agenda anyway by advocating and supporting Muslim communities and identity parallel to mainstream America, and expressly impervious to it. For example, the rejection or renouncement of violence, such as was announced by Hizb ut-Tahrir, must not be confused with rejection and renouncement of the ultimate goals of Islamism: the goals of violent and non-violent Islamism are exactly the same: the replacement of secular governments around the world with an umma governed by sharia law. But to what extent has Islamism established itself in the USA? Baran goes on to describe several similar American Islamic organizations who portray themselves as basic civil rights groups and champions of religious freedom, but who in fact regularly engage in the silencing of non-Islamist voices.
Baran is very critical of of European attempts at integration and multiculturalism, which have always been controvertial, and recently have been diagnosed as failures even by former staunch supporters such as Angela Merkel. She is likewise critical of America's being hidebound by leftist political correctness and superficial shows of tolerance to Islamists, while more moderate minority voices in Islam go unheard.
The book charts the rise of Islamism as the primary voice of Islam in Europe and America, shouldering out the more moderate voices, through generations of alienated and identity-less Muslim immigrants, and through the shifting alliances of the US State Dept, who at one time proffered support for both the Mujahedeen groups that mutated into the Taliban, and to Sunni Islamists in the USA who they thought offered an alternative to Iranian Shia. This process was also galvanized by the banning of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, an event which cast abroad scores of ideologues who took their plans elsewhere. The contradictory cooperative relationship between Saudi Arabia and the USA in its war on the wahhabist-influenced and financed terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda, has also also played an important part.
The regrouping of Islamist ideologues abroad, both as refugees from oppressive secular governments, and as guest workers, alone did not galvanize the success of Islamism as a politico-religious force. Much of its success in out-shouting moderate voices in Islam is thanks to elements in Saudi Arabia, who, especially at the unbelievable height of its wealth in the 1980s, set about establishing, funding, and ideologically supporting Islamist charities, NGOs, mosques, and educational institutions in the USA and Europe. But even since Saudi Arabia has itself realized what it stands to lose from supporting such people and ideas, they have only distanced themselves tacitly. And meanwhile, many individuals associated with the mosques and madrassas they support have gone on to violent notoriety.
The importance of this book, I think unfortunately, ends with its diagnostics. The policy prescriptions based on the diagnoses lacks prescience and is ill-suited to such a diffuse and phantasmagorical threat. Her strategy suggestions (isolating Islamism; encouraging diversity; working with Islamic governments; catalyzing an Islamic Renaissance) seem to be nothing more than a re-staging of Cold War tactics. Although there is some evidence that some Islamists deliberately mapped their interpretation of jihad on Bolshevik and Fascist tactics, the structure of the Islamist threat is so different from the Communist threat (and other Totalitarian threats) in so many ways. More creativity and introspection is needed, and perhaps even a willingness to admit the problem has in so many ways been galvanized by immeasurable injustices provoked by past European and American governments and private businesses.
The second primary weakness of this book, then, is in refusing to acknowledge some of the reasons for Islamist, and Islamic, warfare against Europe and America are quite legitimate. Where is the discussion of the key historical events that shaped Hezbollah, The Islamic Front of Chechnya, and even al-Qaeda, as political forces which subsequently co-opted Islamism as a banner, rather than growing as a unilateral force from Islamist roots? It is crucial to understand this, inasmuch as the political banners will simply shift were Islamism to somehow wane in popularity, the geo-political conflicts will remain. Although Baran disagrees with David Miliband's suggestion in a 2009 article in The Guardian, 'as diverse as the 1970s European movements of the IRA, Baader-Meinhof, and ETA', i.e., not unified and cooperative only through opportunity, I think this is essentially valid, even if the banner under which many of them have united is Islamism. The situation is quite complex. But of course an organization like the Hudson Institute would never allow that to appear in a book they sponsored. Even if, now, admitting mistakes would create an environment of toxic vulnerability, to treat the various movements as having roots purely in theological fascism, and not in legitimate historical injustice, is facile. Moreover, she seemingly does not appreciate that many individuals do not divide Muslim and Islamist so cleanly in their own minds; therefore the social reality is too emulsified for a clear re-drawing of a line in the sand of identity.
Ultimately, the book does have a strong message: American and Europe must get their ostrich-necks out of the sand; but for, or in spite of, whatever they do, the only successful struggle against political Islam must be waged by moderate Muslims. Jihad must always come from deep within.
2 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
The book opens with an overview of the theology and ...
By Kenny D
The book opens with an overview of the theology and history of Islam, to show that violence and intolerance are not fundamental aspects of the religion.
Lol...The only way anyone can come to this conclusion is if you don't read the Qur'an, Ahadith, and Sira and completely ignore all Islamic history, including virtually all of Islam's most famous theologians, historians, and Qur'anic commentators.
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